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Contents:
  1. Ekoloji Issue 107 (12222)
  2. La tradition voudoo et le voudoo haïtien
  3. Acknowledgments
  4. La tradition voudoo et le voudoo haïtien
  5. Material Information

His view prioritizes tragic insight, or aware- ness, in the conventional sense because it in some way produces suffering; for Steiner, insight and suffering are simultaneous—the awareness is painful. In the dominating role, Paulina coerces a confession from Roberto, which we observe being transmitted first from Paulina to Gerardo, then passed on from Gerardo to Roberto, and finally recorded onto a cassette tape.

Through all of these layers of memory and re-narration, the witnessing audience has no alterna- tive but to remain in this testimonial limbo. Only in that failure to comprehend can we realize that which cannot be realized—the limits of logic which these events surpass and a consciousness of that failure. In a thoughtful negotiation of its genre, the play both employs tragic forms, locating the play in the tragic genre proper, and disrupts them in its adherence to rhetorical strategies for witnessing.

The ending turns against the grain of tragedy when, as the play concludes, the disoriented audience is given no sense of closure, insight, or recognition. According to A. Much to our frustration, perhaps, audiences are not finally privy to the knowledge of whether or not Dr. Roberto Miranda is the guilty man. In refusing us comprehension of those unknowns, the play approximates the open wound of Paulina which, like the audience, finds no closure. The unresolved ending pulls back the hope of those surface signs of redemption—the couple together, gazing forward—leaving the hollow shell of unfulfilled anticipation.

Without this redemptive closure we are left in limbo where it is only to have a pure witnessing response. In addition to its innovation within the genre of tragedy, Death and the Maiden substantially informs the genre of testimony. Realis- tic? Or, as better questions and more complex understandings have emerged in recent scholarship, we ask: Does it somehow convey the trauma of the event in its unimaginable excess which overwhelms the individual? Inherent in all of these questions about representation is a fundamental concern about the ethics of reading, hearing or writing about testimony.

The play demonstrates how an individual may form a traumatic remainder that is not always accounted for when the event is represented in a way which fulfills its terrifying and world-shattering obligation to an audience. In staging a classic tragedy, Dorfman brings the person- ally embodied story of Paulina into focus while still maintaining the shocking largesse of horror.

As the tragic form itself suffers, it bears important witness to the trauma and the emo- tional effect of the suffering it cannot quite contain. Alternatively, Death and the Maiden might be viewed as foregrounding conven- tional justice, since as a performance it conducts a form of trial. I understand the play as a series of justices evolving in performance, which indicates the potential for more responsive forms of justice after a national atrocity.

Paying attention to form in the face of dire political violence there- fore prioritizes the processes of truth-telling, justice, and emotional response which emerge from trials and truth commissions as they do from formal tragedy. Such attention to form forces us to recognize that a tragedy may tell us as much about the response, aftermath and survival of an event as it tells us about the event itself. See Disch and Weales I make this point primarily because it helps reestablish testimony, emotional response and catharsis as not simply a byproduct of the dramatic stage, but a subject it deems worthy of exploration directly onstage.

Our considerations of tragedy are as often about its rhetorical effects, from pity and terror to pleasure or fasci- nation, as they are about the quality with which it memorializes and represents an event. One of the oldest forms for dealing with atrocity and acknowledging suffering, tragic drama reminds us that witnessing may take a form, be it a tragic play or Truth Commission, in order to produce confrontation—not to evade it.

Eichmann in Jerusalem. New York: Penguin, The Human Condition. Chicago: Univ of Chicago P, Malcolm Heath. Bernard-Donals, Michael and Richard Glejzer. De Kok, Ingrid. Sarah Nuttall and Carli Coetzee. Cape Town: Oxford Univ P, Disch, Thomas M. The Nation Dorfman, Ariel. Death and the Maiden. Greg Mosher.

Ekoloji Issue 107 (12222)

Kerry Kennedy and Nan Richardson. Kennedy Center, Washington D. Felman, Shoshana, and Dori Laub. New York: Routledge, Frye, Northrop. Anatomy of Criticism: Four Essays. Kaufmann, Walter. Tragedy and Philosophy. Princeton: Princeton UP, Krog, Antjie.

New York: Random, McClennen, Sophia A. Morace, Robert A. Nietzsche, Friedrich. The Birth of Tragedy. Clifton P. New York: Dover, Nuttall, A.

Why Does Tragedy Give Pleasure? Right-Wing Women in Chile. Shakespeare, William. Barbara A. Mowat and Paul Werstine. New York: Washington Square-Pocket, Spooner, Mary Helen. Berkeley: Univ of California P, Steiner, George. The Death of Tragedy. New York: Knopf, Tinari, Philip. Weales, Gerald. Weissbrodt, David and Paul W. White, Hayden. Saul Friedlander. Zalaquett, Jose. Personal interview. Spring Yo creo que el juego es la forma desacralizada de todo lo que para la humanidad esencial son ceremonias sagradas.

No puede hablar porque fue creado por el hombre, no por Dios. Jung, Aion. Researches into the Phenomenology of the Self. El nombre de alguien, presente pero invisible, es arrojado al espacio familiar. Ella lo ilustra sobre los secretos de la tribu, esa sociedad paralela creada por los hijos de los amigos.

Lolita es su amiga y ella debe salvarla. Aunque Gracielita, Lolita y Silvia parecen entidades separadas, son variantes de un mismo arquetipo: la virgen, la doncella. Gracielita es intercesora entre Silvia y Fernando. Al seguirla, Fernando empieza una nueva fase, se aparta de los intelectuales. Por el gacelita, asociada con el ciervo, se vincula a la luna, en la faz de Artemisa, la desmembradora. Como las hadas, maneja hilos y le regala el mantel en punto cruz al final de la empresa a Fernando.

Mercurio es una cuaternidad Cirlot Gracielita coopera con Fernando para restaurar su alma dividida y recuperar los sen- timientos. Es la cara externa de Silvia oculta en la sombra. Se describe el proceso de una manera muy agradable Edinger El autor les da mucha importancia, porque cada uno cualifica al personaje y sugiere un tema. Gracielita, la gacelita, con la gacela y el ciervo.

Todos de un poderoso simbolismo. Hemos usado Gutierre Tibon, Diccionario de nombres propios, passim. El montaje y las interrelaciones y conexiones entre ellas, permite ir de lo conocido para revelar lo desconocido y ayuda a descifrar al personaje invisible, Silvia. La pluma de escribir, con la palabra, el Verbo. Ha comenzado una nueva etapa del proceso: el ascenso desde la nekya inicial del descenso al mundo de abajo.

Las plumas se vinculan con el poder y la corona de los reyes y del Papa Chevalier y Gheerbrant Corre mucho y nadie la puede alcanzar. Representa la sensibilidad juvenil y juguetona, la belleza, sobre todo por sus ojos. Artemisa destruye al que se le acerca mucho Hillman Es una diosa muy negativa con los que no le rinden homenaje o servicio. Ahora ascienden Liliane y Renaud. Es la meta del opus. Principio y fin se dan la mano The poetics of Space. Boston: The Orion Press, Madrid: Alianza, Berger, Beatriz.

haimugaro.tk

La tradition voudoo et le voudoo haïtien

Bierdermann, H. Callan, Richard. Revista de Literatura Latinoamericana Campbell, Joseph. Cirlot, Eduardo. Dictionary of Symbols. New York: Philosophical Library, Barcelona: Herder, Eliade, Mircea. Rites and Symbols of Initiation. The Mysteries of Birth and Rebirth. New York: Harper Torchbooks, Edinger, Edward F. Anatomy of the Psyche. Alchemical Symbolism in Psychotherapy. Illinois: Open Court, Frazer, Sir James G. New York: Macmillan Co. Gershon, Sholem. On the Kabbalah and its Symbolism. New York: Schokem Books, Jung, Emma. Animus and Anima. Texas: Spring Publications, Jung, Carl G.

Aion: Researches into the Phenomenology of the Self. Essays on a Science of Mythology. The Archetypes and the Collective Unconscious. Psychology and Alchemy. Pieper, Joseph. Entusiasmo y delirio divino. Von Franz, Marie Louise. Individuation in Fairy Tales. New York: Spring Publications, Interpretation of Fairytales. An Introduction to the Psychol- ogy of Fairy Tales. Shadow and Evil in Fairytales. Zurich: Spring Publications, Barcelona: Muchnik Editores Messier It is widely recognized that there are two stages in the develop- ment of the Gothic.

The contrast between the two writers is obvious in their approach to the Gothic, and more particularly, in the explicitness of content and in their use of certain Gothic conventions. There is also a notable difference in their perspectives regarding the contextualization of their work and its socio-political implications. Having witnessed the adverse critical reception of the genre, Radcliffe was aware that the inclusion of certain Gothic devices had drawn rebuke from the critics. By carefully considering the potential reception of her work on the contemporary literary scene, Radcliffe was cautious to select material that would not come under attack from the institu- tions of cultural power—writers and critics—which, in turn, would ensure the reputation of her work and secure its place in the canon of popular literature.

Similarly, Sir Walter Scott argued that her deliberate choices to please her audience confined her to write in a low genre, suggesting that her achievement was limited even according to her own standards Lives Hence women were able to affirm their cultural identity by abiding to a set of strict socio-cultural conventions that the Gothic plot faithfully reenacted. Radcliffe, then, embodies the archetypi- cal persecuted female of the late eighteenth century, whose writing further reinforced the conventions of the patriarchal social order.

In contrast to Radcliffe, Lewis is considerably more daring and strives to break established boundaries of content and form, as well as the conventions of morality and accepted political ideologies. By making unprecedented use of transgressive elements, his strategy is one of unconcealed, unadulterated shock and horror.

Anna M. Here for the very first time a truly nightmar- ish vision emerges. Demons and specters take on the form of human beings; at the same time, they are no more dangerous and destruc- tive than the demonic within man …. Unnatural disturbances in the natural order are, in the earlier English Gothic novels, signals of human transgressions that must be righted. They not only create the charac- teristic thrills of Gothic horror, but also forward the eventual victory of good over evil.

The network of evil is far more complex in The Monk, where it invades the very foundation of moral order. Concurrently, the supernatural no longer serves to warn and champion the good and to destroy the evil. Unlike Radcliffe, Lewis does not tone down the transgressive elements of his text by providing either an explana- tion for the supernatural or a subtle suggestion of horror. Clare by a mob of angry rioters during the raid on the convent: At length a Flint, aimed by some well-directing hand, struck her full upon the temple.

She sank upon the ground bathed in blood, and in a few minutes terminated her miserable existence. Yet though she no longer felt their insults, the Rioters still exercised their impotent rage upon her lifeless body. They beat it, trod upon it, and ill-used it, till it became no more than a mass of flesh, unsightly, shapeless, and disgusting.

He saw before him a young and beautiful woman … He sat upon her bed; His hand rested upon her bosom; Her head reclined voluptuously upon his breast. Who then can wonder, if He yielded to the temptation? He clasped her rapturously in his arms; He forgot his vows, his sanctity, and his fame: He remembered nothing but the pleasure and opportunity.

He stifled her cries with kisses, treated her with the rudeness of an unprincipled barbar- ian, proceeded from freedom to freedom, and in the violence of his lustful delirium, wounded and bruised her tender limbs. Heedless of her tears, cries and entreaties, He gradually made himself Master of her person, and desisted not from his prey, till He had accomplished his crime and the dishonour of Antonia.

While the figure is itself rather troubling, the entire episode could be considered to be subversive for it puts into question the plausibility and the efficiency of the legal system. Apart from the substantial alterations to the plot, she tacitly removed some of the most scandalous aspects of the novel; as Syndy M.

Acknowledgments

The contrast between the two texts can be seen in these next excerpts. The first one is taken from The Monk, when Ambrosio enters the chamber in which he will later assault Antonia. Gradually He felt the bosom which rested against his, glow with return- ing warmth. Her heart throbbed again; Her blood flowed swifter, and her lips moved. At length She opened her eyes, but still opprest and bewildered by the effects of the strong opiate, She closed them im- mediately.

Ambrosio watched her narrowly, nor permitted a movement to escape him. Perceiving that She was fully restored to existence, He caught her in rapture to his bosom, and closely pressed his lips to hers. Voicing the defects of the novel allowed Coleridge further to discredit the value of The Monk.

We stare and tremble. I apprehend that neither Shake- speare nor Milton by their fictions, nor Mr. Burke by his reasoning, anywhere looked to positive horror as a source of the sublime, though they all agree that terror is a very high one; and where lies the great difference between terror and horror, but in uncertainty and obscurity, that accompany the first, respecting the dreaded evil? Radcliffe is correct in assessing that Terror and Horror differ drastically in the type of reading experience they trigger. Freud considered the Uncanny as a fundamental aspect of aesthetics theory dissociated from theories of the beautiful and the sublime, and he perceives some distinct merit in the disclosure of uncanny events and the emotions they trigger in the reader.

In the case of The Monk, therein lies the power of horror, for it blurs the boundaries between signifier and signified, between language and experience, and becomes a focal point where both become intertwined. Furthermore, by exploring the dialectical possibilities between sex and violence in both the structure and the content of the narrative, Lewis unleashes the potential of Eroticism suggested by Bataille, for these depictions not only break taboos and social guidelines, they also question the system of meaning in which they originate.

In other words, the language of sexuality becomes the language of political subversion. Not only is its subversive potential fully revealed—as it denounces both the mechanisms of repression imposed by various forms of institu- tional power and the inherent hypocrisy of the very same institutions 1 The text which reveals the possibilities of existence is not necessarily compelling, but it calls for a moment of rage without which the author would be blinded to the pos- sibilities of excess.

I believe it: only the experience which is suffocating, impossible, gives the author the means to reach the distant vision expected by a reader who is fed up with the limits imposed by convention Translation mine. Vartan P. France : Editions Gallimard, Baker, Ernest A. The Novel of Sentiment and the Gothic Romance. V of The History of the English Novel. Bakhtin, Mikhail. Rabelais and his World. Bloom- ington: Indiana University Press, Bataille, Georges. Le Bleu du ciel. Coleridge, Samuel Taylor. February, pp. June, pp. Conger, Sindy M. Kenneth Graham. Freud, Sigmund. An Infantile Neurosis and Other Works.

London: Vintage, Trans James Strachey. The Monk. New York: Oxford University Press, Messier, Vartan P. Messier and Nandita Batra. Radcliffe, Ann. The Italian. London: Penguin Classics, Sade, Marquis de. Austryn Wainhouse and Richard Seaver. London: Arrow Books, Scott, Walter. Ann Radcliffe. London: Dent, Shelley, Percy. Donald H. New York, NY: Norton, Tompkins, J. The Popular Novel in England, London: Constable, Watt, James. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Wittmann, Anna M. Gerhart Hoffmeister. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, In that same year Sachi, a resi- dent of the fictional leper village of Yamaguchi, Japan, returned to her hometown of Tarumi for the first time in forty years and told her story to Stephen Chan an outsider from China.

The novel written by Gail Tsukiyama, herself an American of Chinese Japanese ancestry, relates the coming of age of young Stephen Chan, a Chinese youth who is in Japan recuperating from tuberculosis. This story recorded by Stephen, himself an outsider, subverts the notion of leprosy as a stigmatizing condition which leaves its supposedly unclean sufferers as outcasts. Tsukiyama in her book develops both horrors, leprosy and war, as she presents the story of Sachi spiraling into light and the story of war barreling into darkness.

The analogy works. Leprosy and war share some common ele- ments: secrecy; small eruptions that ravage bodies, families, villages, and countries leaving people disabled, isolated, and alienated. How- ever, there are differences as well. Leprosy in its effects on others is neither more nor less than a slightly contagious disease. It preys mysteriously on a small minority of people whose genetic makeup lacks immunity to the condition. Contrary to prejudice and erroneous notions about the disease, it is not caused by sin or dissolute living; sufferers of the disease do not choose or cause their condition.

War, however, represents a more complex contagion that is on some level chosen. Ironically, leprosy for much of human history has been the more feared condition. Tsukiyama by setting the story of Sachi at the brink of the Sino-Japanese war juxtaposes these two eruptions, subverts long held attitudes toward leprosy, and offers readers the opportunity to draw their own conclusions about the condition. Tsukiyama uses as her narrator Stephen Chan, an outsider him- self who experienced alienation in China both because of his good looks 34 and his tuberculosis which engenders isolation and looks of shock at his appearance Although Yamaguchi is a fictional village, such communities did exist in Japan in the early s.

Susan L. Five children had been born there in the preceding year. All three villages exhibited characteristics similar to any other small village, but all are different in that their residents were forced there because of leprosy that left them stigmatized in their home communities. Although the condition was slow moving and subtle, it was virulent in the physical and emotional devastation that it caused its victims.

As Stephen first describes it, it seems small and rela- tively innocuous. The rash that is war also grows from seemingly innocuous reports on the radio to descriptions that scream for attention. Implicit in the term carnage is the sense of physical destruction, a casualty of both leprosy and war. The contagion of leprosy and war is rapid, physically debilitating, and noisy.

Noisy eruptions in the case of both leprosy and war leave the victims not only disfigured but displaced and homeless. Likewise both groups are forced to seek makeshift shelters of their own devising. Not only are victims of both leprosy and war isolated by injury and dislocation, they are victims of a public secret as defined by Mi- chael Taussig in his book Defacement: Public Secret and the Labor of the Negative. After all, Tarumi was a place for outsiders to come on holiday.

Likewise the brutality of the war was kept secret. They recognize that those with war injuries are often valorized or viewed with sympathy, while leprosy patients may find themselves feared, reviled, or curi- ously objectified. They, too, are tainted by the notion that war images are perhaps a more acceptable presentation of their condition. It is an approach that seems particularly relevant to this study.

He offers his listen- ers the option of choosing for themselves the real story. In relating his tale he notes that he clearly states at the beginning that the first story is a lie and the second is the truth. Invariably the listeners choose to or appear to believe the lie. Leprosy as an explanation for a disfigured body is perhaps too remote or too un- comfortable a reality to contemplate. War injuries seem to be more understandable and acceptable Tsukiyama uses a rather different tact in representing the car- nage of leprosy and war.

She graphically describes the injuries from leprosy without hiding their cause. She is clear sighted and unflinch- ing in describing the devastation of untreated leprosy, but she also ameliorates her images. Only instead of being in Japan, the village was in the midst of a bustling Hong Kong, the cars and crowds going about their daily business. Both start small, escalate, grow in secret, and leave victims and car- nage, but as Tsukiyama presents the two conditions there are clear distinctions.

The direction she takes in the development of her story clearly valorizes Sachi and leaves one reading war as the new leprosy with Stephen as its latest named victim. She is a gentle, soft spo- ken woman, a gracious hostess and a good friend, sensitive to the discomfort and needs of others. She takes charge of her life, caring for her garden, serving Matsu and Stephen during their visits to her, and courageously returning to Tarumi forty years after she was exiled because of her condition.

While she clearly acknowledges the pain that her condi- tion has caused her, she is not identified by the disease. As Stephen portrays her, Sachi is more rhapsodized than reviled. The parallel between the spread of leprosy and war seems clear in the book, but I do not believe that it is necessary needlessly to stigmatize war victims with a painful and prejudicial term.

He has lived with the reality of leprosy at least as long as Sachi but possesses no fear or revulsion of it. His is the wisdom and strength that carry both Sachi and Stephen. The terse, stoical, reticent warrior Matsu continues in what may be his longest conversation in the book. We are all a part of one nature and from each other we learn how to live…. Sometimes we love and hate without thought. Leprosy remains a reality for Sachi, but it is not her defining characteristic. Her face reveals her suffering, but it is also testimony to her courage and endurance.

The face of Stephen, however, has been marked because of the war which barrels rapidly toward new destruction. War has begun to separate him from loved ones as surely as leprosy ever did. Tarumi has once again ceased to be a place of refuge for those with marked faces. It forces Stephen out just as surely as it forced Sachi out forty years earlier.

Carolyn Strange and Alison Bash- ford. Chang, Iris. New York: Basic Books, Cleary, Thomas. Boston: Tuttle Publishing, Dundes, Alan. Interpreting Folklore. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, French, Shannon E. New York: Rowman and Littlefield, Gaudet, Marcia.

La tradition voudoo et le voudoo haïtien

Taussig, Michael. Defacement: Public Secret and the Labor of the Nega- tive. Stanford: Stanford University Press, Tsukiyama, Gail. New York: St. I know in advance that its conclusion will be examined, discussed, and replaced by others, and I am glad of it. That is how history progresses and must progress. It is these interests which have dominated the study of the plays since they were first staged. Unfortunately, tangled up with this information were the preconceptions and limitations of the discipline of history. In particular, there is the belief that a well defined hegemonic culture exists at all times.

This polarization very clearly responds to historical periodization, with one pole originating in a medieval Christian perception of the play and the other originating 1 The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Phillip II. New York: Harper and Row, Page Which of these realities do the plays belong to? What assumptions can we make about Shakespeare and his audience?

The problem with periodization is that time does not have any natural frontiers to delineate when one period ends and the other be- gins. And even as Cantor provides this date, arguing for the importance of the political, intellectual and cultural focus of history, he points out that there are those who focusing on the economy seem to stretch these historical boundaries even further Indeed, as seen above, the periodization of history is inaccurate and to a certain degree arbitrary.

Despite criticism, the problem has persisted in the literary disciplines. Why does this problem persist? The problem persists because most literary critics are only concerned with the symptom and not with the condition. They still view periodization as a problem with the division of historical time and have to a great degree neglected the historiographical problem of selecting the ma- terial that should be studied. What aspects or artifacts from the past do we consider historical?

While we might not realize it, the selection of the material to be studied can predetermine the interpretation by highlighting certain aspects and elements of the literary text. Which- ever may be the case, the ultimate answers as to what is historical are as diverse as the resulting interpretations. The problem of periodization and the selection of material were made worse by the existence of the historicist dichotomy which gives theoretical grounds to the interpretative polarization of the tetralogy. This article dismantles the dichotomy and proposes an alternative to it based on the confrontation of opposing material.

Even though my discussion concentrates on the Renaissance and the works of William Shakespeare, the problems and the solution given here, I hope, will be pertinent for the study of any literary text. While the histo- rians of the Enlightenment provided their readers with a succession of human types something like historical periods , classified according to categories such as rational and irrational or positive and negative 67 , the historicists, starting with protohistoricist Johann Gottfried von Herder, maintained that all historical periods are distinct.

For them each person is unique and no moment repeats itself in the same way. It is in this complete heterogeneity that the historicists see true unity emerge: the unity of a process in which each phase—each individual person or event—contributes equally to the whole.

The task of the historian was to address the particular by describing the formal cohesion that it shows with the whole Historicists did this by empathetically assuming the position of their subjects and reconstructing their picture of reality Gilderhus These basic assumptions as proposed and defended by Herder inform to vary- ing degrees the enterprise of historicists throughout the nineteenth century and most of the twentieth century. The most influential of these historicists was German historian Leopold von Ranke In order to reach this resolution Ranke, like Herder, had to search for the unity that existed in the diversity of things.

He achieved this through the establishment of two points of integration, the first was the nation and the other was Europe. The idea of the nation provided a governing mechanism for the internal adjustment of the relations between the State, the Church and the people, and the idea of Europe provided a governing mechanism for the adjustment of the relations between the nations In other words Ranke argued for the existence of two frames that would allow the historian to study the different nation-states of Europe on their own and as part of an imaginary European totality.

This freedom from the borders of any particular national history gave Ranke the chance to remain focused on the achievements of each century. He could avert his eyes from the failures of any particular nation-state and celebrate the achievements of European totality. It was not long before this objective history rose to a position that was on a par with religion. By turning history into a discipline that satisfied the scientific sensibilities of the time without giving up the powerful sense of order provided by beliefs, historians were doing more than talk- ing about what had happened with total precision, they were talking about what was supposed to happen, what had to have happened.

Acutely aware of the potential power of history as a discipline, the European states were quick to incorporate it into their systems of coercion. Even Ranke found himself directly under the service of the Prussian government when he was made editor of a short-lived, government-sponsored periodical published explicitly with the aim of attacking progressive ideas Fontana It was this form of historicism that provided the principal assumptions of historians during the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth century.

After Europe found itself in ruins; the European nations that had once been the principal political powers of the world now had to concede that position to the United States and the Soviet Union. And the division of the continent finally found an undeniable physical representation in the Berlin Wall. In Isaiah Berlin gave a lecture, later published under the title of Historical Inevitability, where he condemned the condition in which historical studies found themselves at that time.

Berlin points out the dangers of advancing empirical arguments for historical de- terminism: the belief that impersonal forces like the so-called spirit of the age curve human action relieves us from all responsibility. If the men and women in our past were the product of their milieu; if they acted in accordance with the system of values of their genera- tion, then it would be unfair for the historian either to criticize or to praise them. And so the work of the historian has been reduced to the description of facts.

The Influence of Historicism on Literary Criticism Relying on the assumptions of this influential form of historicism, the literary critics of the nineteenth century began to see literature as the reflection of an ordered reality provided by history. Among these critics the best known figure is Matthew Arnold. English critics, according to him, needed to leave the pragmatism of the time in favor of the ideal The function of criticism was to construct the milieu in which the artists could find inspiration and material for their work. Without this milieu of excellence the artist would not be able to create a masterpiece, no matter how talented he might be.

For example, the difference between Goethe and Byron, two poets with great productive power, was the environment to which they had been exposed.

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Walter Pater, who wrote The Renaissance some years after Ar- nold published his lecture, carries on a similar argument in which he explains with greater clarity what this conception of artistic en- deavor implies for the critic. In order to accomplish this, the critic must not only examine the prominent personalities and their aesthetic charm or the results of the intellectual and the imaginative effort the actual works of art he must also attend to the general spirit and the character of the time.

The Re- naissance was one of those periods where a unity of spirit affected all products and the study of any product called for the study of this unity. Their influence was so strong that even as the popularity of this historiographical school of thought waned among historians, they continued to influence literary criticism. Following the traditional assumption that great art is a work of exposition that captures the essence of the age, E. This picture included a medieval conception of the order of the world, the universe as the perfect creation of God, a unity in which everything had its place, and which was often found represented by images of a chain, a series of corresponding planes, or a dance to music In other words, a different conception of the world was inconceivable for Shakespeare and his contemporaries, and even if it were conceivable, to include such a perspective in his play would make them incomprehensible for his audience.

Hence, the cycles of history follow a moral pattern beginning with prosperity and ending with a renewal of prosperity and the disorder that is only found in between is the result of human actions While reconstructing the world in which the author wrote by performing an extensive survey of the intellectual material of his age seems like a legitimate use of history, Tillyard demonstrates the opposite.

He also admits that Shakespeare and his contemporaries were more than familiar with this doctrine and they very likely used certain elements of it The Machiavellian doctrine, which proposes that disorder is the natural state of man and that civi- lization is a matter of expediency, diametrically opposes the medieval concept of order that he contends the history plays reflect.

Hence here is where there is the greatest need for argument, but surprisingly he withdraws from this topic after fewer than five pages of discussion, resting his case on the fact that Machiavellian thought was relatively new and was not institutionalized; consequently there is no need to pay much attention to him. In order to create the unified essence of an age the critics must favor the traditional conservative ideas and exclude any potentially subversive idea that might have existed at the time. For example, the ideas of Machiavelli had become accessible to educated Englishmen since , when the works of the Italian were translated into Latin Adams and to the less educated class in the latter years of the century when unpublished English translations of The Prince circulated in England Clegg Shakespeare had the opportunity to read either one of these versions long before he wrote his first history play, 1 Henry VI ,3 yet Tillyard excludes them effortlessly.

The arbitrary de- limitation of the intellectual milieu in which the author worked makes this survey suspicious to present day critics and historians who are very conscious of their intervention in the constructions of history. What is worse, his use of history is not only arbitrary, but, since he does not give the same level of importance to all of the material in his survey, it is also misleading. Thus he also falls into the historicist trap of turning motivated world views into a simulacrum of historical background.

Although the works of many historicists are afflicted with these problems, not all of them illustrate so clearly the flaws of their practice. In all fairness many historicists are able to deal with the problems inherent in creating this unified vision of age and construct strong arguments around it. For example, we find a more confident and efficient use of the historicist ideas of a spirit of an age in the inter- pretations of Eric Auerbach.

Dilthey, who had a particularly important role in the historiography of the first half of the twentieth century, added a special emphasis on literature, explaining that in the world of the written text, the literary masterwork was preeminent. The lived experience of the age found so intensely in its literature could be recovered through erudition and a subjective intuition of the inner sprit of the work xi.

Auerbach explains how this change in the academic vision of the time, a shift from politics to literature—to the mundane, made his massive work possible. The confidence that human conflict resolved itself on Earth brought a dignity and significance to human action that allowed it to be represented as tragic Even in 2 Henry IV, a play in which the coexistence of the tragic or epic and the comic is the most evident and where, according to Auerbach, Shakespeare directly satirizes the strict separation between the sublime and the mundane, the characters from the lower classes are only represented in the comedic style , Indeed, Shakespeare and his work are seen here as modern yet conservative.

As we have seen through the discussion of these examples the critics who practiced the older form of historicism in the twentieth century continued to see literary works as a reflection of their age. As a consequence, the major problems with this approach remained, es- pecially the impossible task of establishing what constituted the spirit of the age was composed.

In this lengthy process the critics favored the conservative values of the dominant class. Here Auerbach differs significantly. This shift in the categorization of the age very likely comes as a result of the influence of a Marxist concep- tion of history. This connection makes Auerbach a transitional figure in historicism, providing the link between the old and new forms of historicism. However, this transition was not imme- diate; the conditions for newer forms of historicism to appear would not be present for another twenty or thirty years.

For this reason there is a need to designate a particular point of origin. Probably the most important change was the fall from prominence of Rankean historicism in and the raise of other historical practices. This brought the topics and methodologies of the social sciences, economics, demography, and ethnology, to history 8. The inclusion of ethnology in history was quite a radical change since the two disciplines were believed to have studied contradictory subjects.

Ethnology studies primitive societies that do not have a written language while history studies humanity at a stage of civiliza- tion in which the written language allowed them to leave records that became the authoritative voice of the past. Ultimately it was this perspective, the marriage of these two formerly opposed disciplines, which rejuve- nated historical studies and caught the attention of the literary critics, who were looking for alternatives in approaching the literature that western culture had already canonized.

Thus the French historians and critics of this time had a huge influence on new historicism and especially the poetics of culture. Among these scholars, the one who seems to loom the largest in the new history is Michel Foucault. According to The Archeology of Knowledge, the summation and reformulation of his methodology, Michel Foucault makes it clear that the main objective of his career is not to impose a structuralist methodology on historical studies, but to uncover and fully apply the tools and concepts of structuralism that have naturally emerged as useful in this field. Foucault avoids the use of these concepts—concepts that traditionally predetermine the study of history, and so is able to break through the superficial layer that they created and examine the complex structure, the world of contradictions, beneath it.

Unlike Ranke and his followers who only wanted to show how things had really been, Foucault wanted to discover how things could have been how they were. For him this system is the appropriate object of historical study. Here is where the discursive rules that explain the very existence and significance of any document, the reason and effects of the things said in it, are found Then it is through the exploration of these archives that one can unearth the deep structure of discursive power as it comes into view, justified by tradition and reason, to regulate desire and define individuals within an age or any other totality.

Foucault, who knows that it is impossible to describe exhaustively the archive of a culture or a period , concentrated on the neglected irregularities, the contradictions that have been discussed above. His approach views these contradictions as ruptures in the continuity of traditional, causal history and attempts to ascertain the extent and form of the gap that these ruptures create between discourse practices.

Through these fractures one can determine the form that each practice as- sumes and the relation that they have with each other More noteworthy perhaps is the fact that the chosen fragments are characteristically subversive. They are endowed with a sensation of terror and awe and pushed forward with the intention to shock. Hence the Foucauldian anecdote not only contra- dicted the totalities of historicism by its existence outside the master narratives, but, by virtue of its status as marginal discourse, its content as well, which evidenced a break with the social norms.

New historicism adopted all of these assumptions. Among the anthropologists using this technique, Greenblatt identi- fies Clifford Greetz as a major influence on his critical approach. In Practicing New Historicism, he explains how the acceptance of distant cultures as texts, a written, narrative representation of an event, which allowed them to assume a privileged position over the members of that culture, came to them through Geertz and the structuralists rather than the historicists. In practice, this new forms of historicism consists of mapping the circulation of social energy that enters and leaves the literary text at specific points, points that can only be described as anomalies: elements, events and experiences that cannot be explained through authorial intent or the influence of the spirit of the age.

The true goal of religion was not salvation but civil discipline and thus the people who articulated these beliefs were jugglers and actors, an idea that is prominently found in the writings of Machiavelli This highlights the hypocritical performative nature of power and the recording of alien voices found in both the anecdote and the literary text that ultimately question orthodoxy. Yet, according to Greenblatt the questioning of monarchical power in the plays is subsumed with the final rise of Henry V as an ideal king.

In fact the reason that this period became the center of new historicist discourse may be found in the numerous potential connections that existed between it and the present. This fascination with the potential modernity of the Renaissance and disregard of its continuity with medieval society soon created a new authoritarian totality that hides the former one. In the same way that Tillyard at some point avoided seriously discussing the potential influence of modern thought, Greenblatt avoids a serious discussion of the existence and poten- tial use of the traditional material, so that for those who uncritically subscribe to new historicism the Renaissance becomes uniformly modern.

Hence, notwithstanding their protest against the coercive totalities of traditional history, critics find themselves operating under similar restrictions as older forms of historicism did, unwittingly ap- pealing to a totalizing world picture. Using Dee, who viewed science as a revival of the magical arts, Rolls is able to turn the correlation from early modern to late medieval And even Machiavelli and the Machiavellian prince, Rolls goes on to argue, could be seen through the medieval perspective, as Bishop Gardener and Cardinal Reginald Pole did, the former praising him as an imitator of God who is both merciful and severe, and the latter by simply accepting his evil existence, which would inevitably facilitate the appearance of the Antichrist, in fulfillment of the scriptures Here he gets to the real problem of his project and mine, the existence of an inadequate dichotomy of perspectives for the Renaissance from which the critic must choose.

His solution prom- ises a combination of perspectives—the acceptance of elements of both the modern and the medieval—yet it does not deliver. Even with its modern sophistication, the perspective he proposes remains essentially medieval and therefore it can only serve to illustrate the persistence of the dichotomy rather than to fracture it. New historicists have turned the Renaissance into a uniform part of the modern age.

It is clearly not enough to consciously reject peri- odization, since the problem originates at the moment that the critic decides on the material that he will work with. Even the new historicists who reject the use of the spirit of an age end up creating a uniform Elizabethan world view through the uniform selection of the aberrant sources and the omission of others. They have not escaped the totalities of history, the idea of the spirit of the age. Our rebellion lies above all in resisting the desire to privilege any particular type of historical material, using conflicting materi- als and honoring the contradictory systems of beliefs, giving equal or near-equal weight to each.

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Koenig, Georg Ludwig, editor and annotator. Junii Juvenalis sexdecim satirae. Lambeck, Peter Petrus Lambecius , trans. Georgius Codinus. Lambeck was a renowned scholar and court historian to the Austrian emperor. His edition and translation of Codinus was first published in Lapide, Cornelius a. Commentaria in Scripturam Sacram. Leges Cracov. Franciscus Piekosinski, ed. Gesammelte Werke.

Georg Heinrich Pertz, ed. Hannover, Lemaire, Nicolas Eloi, ed. Quinti Horatii Flacci quae exstant omnia opera. Bibliotheca classica Latina. Linacre, Thomas, trans. Galeni Pergameni Asiani excellentissimi semper post unicum Hippocratem medici ab omnibus habiti opera. Basil: Froben, Species plantarum. Vienna, Zagreb: Academia scientiarum et artium Slavorum Meridionalium, Leiden: E. Brill, Vacciolarum nativarum historia. Kiel, Lyttleton, George William. Maffeius, Iohannes Petrus, S. Magri, Domenico. Hierolexicon sive sacrum dictionarium. Rome, Maiansius, Gregorius, ed.

Manutius, Paulus. Epistulae selectae. This is one of a handful of versions believed closest to the lost original, which had probably been dictated by Marco to a prison cellmate. It is undoubtedly among the oldest extant versions of the work see Yule 1, 90; 1, Marcus Paulus de Venecia de consuetudinibus et conditionibus orientalium regionum. Francesco Pipino. Gouda, Madrid: Testimonio, Citations are to book and chapter number; the edition has no page numbers. It was in this Latin version, executed during Marco's lifetime probably in by the Franciscan friar and chronicler Francesco Pipino — and in versions derived from it — that the work was most often read up to the 19th century see Yule I.

Georgius Helmreich Teubner: Leipzig, Massoch, Stephen. Practical Teacher of the Latin Language. Baltimore, Matthiolus, Petrus Andreas. Epistolarum medicinalium libri quinque. Melanchthon, Philip Opera quae supersunt omnia. Halle, Turin, The volumes are not paginated; references are to the names of sections of the works or individual maps. Mercuriale, Girolamo Hieronymus Mercurialis. Original edition: Venice, The celebrated illustrations are by the Italian artist and classicist Pirro Ligorio Meurs, Johannes van Johannes Meursius , translator and annotator.

De administrando imperio. Original edition Meurs was a Dutch classical scholar, unfairly labeled a "pedant" by the haughty Joseph Justus Scaliger. Meyer, Heinrich, ed. MHG -- Monumenta Germaniae historica. Milton, John. The Works of John Milton. New York: Columbia University Press, Munich: Beck, New York: Latin Press Printing, A journal published twice a year in Copenhagen, Morelli, Cyriacus. Fasti novi orbis. Muench, Aloisius Joseph, S. David Ruhnken.

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Obrecht, Ulrich, translator. Theophilus Kiessling, editor touched up translation. De vita Pythagorica. Obrecht's translation was originally published in Oribasius Charles Daremberg and Ulco Cats Bussemaker. Oslo: A. The Latin translation is believed to date to the 6th century. Otto and Rahewin. Gesta Friderici I imperatoris. Hannover: Hahn, Perrin, Yves.

Philostratus the Athenian or the Sophist 3rd c. Amsterdam: B. PL -- Patrologia Latina. In Tullii Ciceronis orationem in Q. Caecilium quae divinatio dicitur.


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    Zombie Prostitute

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    Oxford, Somner's original edition was published in ; Benson substantially expanded it. Sophocles, E. Greek Lexicon of the Roman and Byzantine Periods. New York: F. Unger, Sorani gynaeciorum vetus translatio latina. Valentin Rose. Soulis, George C. Spanoghe, Emile. Synonymia latino-teutonica. Sprengel, Kurt.

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      Parisiacus, a, um Ven. Hofmann s. Hugo Capetus : "Rex proclamatus est Novioduni, Remisque coronatus. Viciensis, e Dunglison Alsaticus, a, um all in WC. Arvernus, i m. Lotharingius, i m. Normannus, i m. Normannicus, a, um. Sabaudus, i m. Rhodanicus, a, um. Gallus, i m. Teutonicus, a, um in antiquity, of a particular Germanic people; since 17th c. Dresdensis, i Sillig i. Mogontiacus, a, um Amm. Bavarus, i m. Saxo, onis m. Graecus, i m. Graecus, a, um. Hungarus, i m. Budam tentat, sed Pestum tantum oppositum oppidum capit.

      Hibernus, i m. Italus, i m. Italicus, a, um. Catinensis, e CIC. Genuensis, e Inscr. Meroveus , of Merovech, 5th c. Apulus, a, um. Calaber, bra, brum. Latius, a, um. Ligur, uris m. Ligusticus, a, um VARR. Sardus, a, um. Siculus, i m. Siculus, a, um VARR. Umber, bra, brum. Leidensis, is TURS. Zelandus, i m. Zelandicus, a, um cf. Sclavo, onis m. Gerundensis, is PLIN. Ilerdensis, e PLIN. Arago, onis m. Baliaricus, a, um. Vasco, onis m. Vasconicus, a, um Paul. Catalanus, i m. Navarrus, i m. Hispanice conversus. Rhaetus, i m. Rhaeticus, a, um PLIN.

      Finlandus, i m. Norvegus, i m. Bulgarus, i m. Esthus, i m. Letto, onis m. Lettus, i m. Borysthenius, a, um Ov. Tauricus, a, um Turs. Francis Xavier. In the Middle Ages, as in antiquity, it could include Arabia and East Africa as well, the vital sea-ways of the India Ocean providing a natural defining principle for the geographical concept.

      For the derivation of these names, see Yule 2, , n. See Yule 1, , quoted below. Fraser 73, on use of the term "India" in 15th-c. Latin texts: "Notions of India and its geography were extremely vague at that time as Columbus would show ; the name was indeed sometimes used in reference to Ethiopia. In fact, Alcuin divides the whole world into three parts, Europe, Africa, and India.

      Hence it was necessary to discriminate different Indias, but there is very little agreement among different authors as to this discrimination Conti divides India into three: 1 From Persia to the Indus i. The partition of the Indies made by King Sebastian of Portugal in , when he constituted his eastern possession into three governments, recalled the old division into Three Indias. Mongolus, i m. Pakistanus, i m. Pakistanicus, a, um, Pakistanianus, a, um. Bondelmontius "mare Archipelagi.

      Bentley 2, on Manil. Persa, ae m.